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Transport
- Seventh Report
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1
INTRODUCTION
1. The terms of reference for this inquiry posed the following
questions:
Are local authorities carrying out parking control reasonably,
fairly and accountably? How is performance evaluated?
What action would raise the standard of parking enforcement
activity? Is Statutory Guidance needed to promote consistency?
Is the appeals process fair and effective? How could it be
improved?
Is it appropriate that local authorities should keep the
revenue generated from parking charges?
Is there any evidence that the opportunity to raise revenue
through decriminalized parking enforcement has inappropriately influenced
authorities’ parking policy and enforcement activity?
What criteria should be used to determine the level of parking
provision that should be provided?
What are the wider impacts of current parking policy and
illegally parked vehicles?
What role should parking policy play in traffic management
and demand management?
How can public understanding and acceptance of the need for
parking policy be achieved?
2. Why conduct this inquiry into parking policy and enforcement
now? The Road Traffic Act 1991 fundamentally changed the enforcement
of on-street parking controls in the UK. From being exclusively a
police matter, this Act made it mandatory for London boroughs and
optional for other local authorities, to take responsibility for enforcement
of parking under the civil law. Since the commencement of the 1991
Act, over 150 authorities have adopted these civil enforcement powers,
also known as decriminalised parking enforcement (DPE).
3. As car ownership has risen, there has been an accompanying
increase in the pressure on parking space. The Association of London
Government has estimated that some 50 million illegal parking acts
take place each year in London which cost annually in the order of
£270 million in additional delays and accidents. The Department for
Transport told us it did not hold such statistics on a national scale.
Extrapolating the London figure for the country however gives an indication
of the scale of the problem caused by illegal parking.
4. Apart from the scale of the problem, these contraventions
are in themselves anti-social because their result is to interfere
with the daily lives of millions of people by: causing congestion,
disrupting bus schedules, obstructing pedestrians and road users,
and endangering public safety.
5. Sound parking regulations are vital to prevent these unwelcome
results. But such regulations are worthless if they are not enforced.
Equally, the quality of the regulations and the enforcement regime
must be high if the arrangements are to have public credibility and
support. Despite this straightforward reasoning, the enforcement of
parking controls has not been a priority for the police for several
years. This was a main reason for the introduction of decriminalised
parking enforcement in the 1990s.
6. Those local authorities that have adopted decriminalised
parking enforcement have been able to manage parking controls as part
of wider traffic management strategies which can contribute to broader
social, economic and environmental objectives. In addition, since
local authorities keep the revenue raised through parking charges
and penalty charges, there is the opportunity for them to invest in
additional parking arrangements and other transport improvements.
These are clear benefits for local government.
7. As a result of this transfer of powers, and the increasing
enforcement activity, many more people have first hand experience
of receiving Penalty Charge Notices for parking contraventions. Local
authorities with enforcement powers issued 7,123,000 Notices in 2003.
It is therefore most important that the parking regime is one that
is efficient and effective. As more local authorities adopt decriminalized
parking enforcement, and as media portrayals of over-zealous and disproportionate
enforcement persist, there is a risk that the public perception of
parking operations will deteriorate to the point where the appropriateness
of any parking controls is brought into question.
8. The most recent figures, for 2003/04, show that the surplus
income in England from all parking activities was £439,125,000. This
is a large sum, and despite the significant growth in such revenue
generation since the introduction of civil parking enforcement in
1991 the Department for Transport has not formally evaluated the successes
and weaknesses of the scheme.
9. For all those reasons, therefore, we thought it timely to
hold an inquiry into parking policy and enforcement. Any enforcement
system will provoke some dissatisfaction, especially from those alleged
to have infringed the regulations. Moreover, there is wide scope for
error in enforcement. We firmly believe however that with enhanced
training, guidance and clear performance criteria it should be possible
to achieve a higher quality enforcement operation than at present
throughout the country; one which enjoys public confidence; and serves
the urgent need of managing well the valuable space on our streets.
10. We understand that the Department for Transport intends
to issue draft guidance and regulations on parking. We expect our
recommendations to be considered carefully by the Department in that
exercise, and we hope that our report and the accompanying evidence
will prove useful to it.
11. We held two sessions of evidence. We wish to thank those
who provided oral and written evidence. Members of the Committee visited
the London Parking and Traffic Appeals Service in December 2005 where
they heard presentations from Mr Nick Lester of the Association of
London Government, and Mr Martin Wood, Chief Adjudicator for London.
We are grateful to them for facilitating a useful visit. Finally,
we also wish to thank Professor John Raine of the School of Public
Policy in the University of Birmingham, our Specialist Advisor throughout
this inquiry.
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